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April 21, 2004

google antibombs

Maureen Craig calls to my attention that the University of Chicago scavhunt has through some terrible error lost its rightful place in the google search results. Scavhunt.


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Style

Did you know that Judith Martin (of Miss Manners fame) writes novels? Well, she does, and Style and Substance is not half bad. I can't tell for certain, though, if the book means to be quite as funny as it is:

It used to be that considerate men tried not to embarrass women, and got things done with a minimum of fuss. There would be a sudden tug on the breast at crucial moments, for example, but an apologetic return to respectable kissing once control was reestablished.

Nice men are like shoe salesmen now; they show you all the classic and current styles, and expect you to pick one and be satisfied.



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Dr. Newdow speaks

As I mentioned before, Dr. Michael Newdow came to the University of Chicago Law School today to debate Mr. Jay Sekulow of the American Center for Law and Justice (who, I found myself wondering in advance, could be against law or justice? And why must so many perfectly nice instutitions have such opaque names?) About 250 people crowded into a room that couldn't seat that many.


Newdow spoke first. He began, oddly enough, with Lynch v. Donnelly, and Establishment Clause case where the Court upheld the placement of a Christian creche. Reassuringly, after explaining the case, he simply declared that it was ridiculous. Continuing, he noted that while nine out of the eleven State Constitutions in existence at the time of the adoption of the Constitution [N.B.-- I haven't fact-checked this.] contained explicity invocations of religion, the Constitution did not. Once more, I found myself wondering whether his data helped his case.

Then he got into the good stuff, beginning with Jefferson's bill of religious freedom, moving on to the infamous "Lemon test," Newdow argued that there couldn't possibly be a secular purpose to adding the words "under God" to an oath that had gotten by just fine for 60 years without a mention of religion. His best line:

"If it said 'we are a nation under the apple tree,' you'd get in your head that there has to be an apple tree somewhere."

Then he went on to note the legislative history of the act and the media history of the 9th-Circuit decision. He noted that the legislature played "Onward Christian Soldiers" when they enacted the bill to modify the pledge, that Eisenhower declared that this change would establish our subservience to God, and that the widespread outrage from folks after the 9th Circuit decision hardly seemed to befit those who were merely incensed that a minor secular symbol of ceremonial deism had been excised from our recent history. I have to say, I find this Dr. Newdow's most persuasive point, although I'm not sure to what extent the Court should take cognizance of things like public reaction to a lower court decision or the music played during enactment when considering the constitutionality of an act of Congress.

Marsh v. Chambers, Newdow went on to tell us (this is the strange decision which upholds the hiring of legislative chaplains) was a bad decision. This was his lead-in into ridiculing the notion of "ceremonial deism". He complained that the idea of "ceremonial deism" was that a practice had become so ingrained into our political culture that it was part of our history and couldn't possibly be unconstitutional. But-- he asked-- isn't being ingrained into our political culture precisely what it is for a religion to be established?

There was a brief and unfortunate digression into burning people at the stake, improsining Galileo, and crashing airplanes into big buildings on the 11th of September. I'm not quite sure what it was intended to prove, but I suspect it failed. Mr. Ben Glatstein, sitting to my right, chimed in, "at least he didn't use Hitler."

He closed with a hypothetical that turned the tables. Would Christians have a right to complain if the pledge were amended to read, "I pledge allegiance to one nation that denies the existence of God, with liberty and justice for all"? He submitted they would. Then, for those who fear he might be seeking to slide us down a slippery slope, he talked about "in God we trust" on our coins, "God save this honorable Court," and all the other invocations of God in public life. "These are all violations of the Establishment Clause," he said, "You can't argue that in front of the Supreme Court because you have to go very slowly." Oh, and his prediction of the outcome? 8-0, for him.

Jay Sekulow responded, "He's going to get an 8-0 decision, all right..." but the derisive implication was obvious. Oddly, Sekulow's criticism of Newdow was nearly entirely based on what the Supreme Court would decide, and very little on what it ought to decide. He conceded that Establishment Clause jurisprudence was a mess, but said that the Court would find some way to save the pledge, however it had to get there. After all, the 9th Circuit decided the case.

Sekulow spent a lot of time saying, basically, that the Supreme Court Justices just weren't going to overturn the pledge, and that was clear from listening to them in oral argument. Maybe so. He did touch a little bit on what he thought were the substantive merits of the phrase "Under God,"-- it showed that in America rights don't come from the government, they come from some other power.

This is a strange argument, deserving of its own book-length treatment. It's true that this idea was quite important to many of the founders, who often went to great lengths to remind us of that whenever they began listing a bunch of rights. At the same time, rights do have to be protected by the government. Sekulow suggested that if rights were "merely" created by the government, the government would be able to take them away. And yet (I think Newdow pointed this out), the government can punish us just as easily if the rights are created by God. And in any case, it's very difficult to ask God just what those rights are; He wasn't the one to write the Constitution.

The question and answer session was a little confused-- Newdow and Sekulow spent a little bit of time shouting one another down every time a really interesting question came up, Sekulow kept insisting that there shouldn't be a veto right just because a citizen found an invocation offensive, Newdow insisted that there should be such a veto right in the case of religion, because of the Establishment Clause.

Leading into the last great quote of the exchange, Newdow had talked about how many people had said they wouldn't be willing to vote for an atheist, a woman, or a black for public office, simply because they were atheist, female, or black. Now that Constitutional protection has been established for the latter two groups, the percentage of people unwilling to elect them has plummeted well below 10%. Nearly 50% of people would still be unwilling to elect any atheist. Sekulow pointed out that there were amendments protecting blacks and women from unequal treatment. Newdow agreed. Sekulow retorted, "So we need an atheist amendment to the Constitution?" Newdow shot back, "Sure, it's called the First Amendment, we just need to uphold it."

In the end, I suspect that Sekulow is right that the Court simply isn't going to overturn the recitation of the pledge, but if anybody could win this case, I think it's Dr. Newdow.


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Land Use of RLUIPA

There have been enough cases on the 'institutionalized persons' half of RLUIPA to create a circuit split. Today, the Eleventh Circuit has handed down one of the earlier 'land use' opinions, Sephardi v. Surfside (link via How Appealing). It's a 60 page opinion, and unfortunately I don't have time to actually read it right now. The quick story is that the 11 Circuit found that the zoning ordinances in the town of Surfside, FL, were too great a burden on two Orthodox Jewish synagogues that wished to establish themselves, and that RLUIPA was constitutional (grounds: both religion prongs of the First Amendment, Section 5 of the Fourteenth, Tenth Amendment

And now I have somewhere else I need to be.


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over-representation, redux

[Earlier posts: Amanda, Ryan Gabbard, me, Amanda.]

In a previous post, I wrote:

However, Mr. Sullivan could have spoken strictly by saying "the people of the big agricultural states" or "voters in such states" are over-represented, which they are.

Ben at That's News To Me takes issue with my claim:
the Constitution creates a body--call it "the Senate"--in which various groups are going to be represented by geography rather than population, I know that "representation" (in terms of voters per Senator) won't be equal. Saying people are "over-represented" seems to make a judgment about the amount of representation that is desirable (I derive that judgment from the "over" part), and that somehow the group in question exceeds that desired representation.

But, it doesn't strike me as being that clear cut. At least there's an argument to be made that voters are represented exactly correctly -- their strength may be disproportionate to their numbers, but does this make over-representation?

Ben's claim is interesting. As I understand it, his idea is that so long as the rules for representation are followed, it's improper to impose extra normative value on that system. But tempting as this argument is, I don't think it's true, and I don't think it jives with the way sensible people sometimes use the word.

Let's suppose there was a hypothetical election, in which some people (those with white skin) were given 5 votes while others (those with black skin) were given three. Wouldn't it make sense to say that whites were "over-represented" in that election, especially if we were trying to explain the victory of some bill that was popular with white voters in a close election?

I submit that that's an entirely sensible way to speak, that listeners and readers would have a good sense of what I meant (especially if they were familiar with the electoral system in question) and that we do commonly share normative values about what elections should be like. Similarly, if we were to amend the Constitution so that I got one vote in the presidential election and everybody else got zero, I think it would be fair-- darn accurate-- to say that the election "over-represented" my interests.

This isn't open-and-shut. One could quarrel with Sullivan's (and my) view that there's a normative value to voters in Wyoming having only as much say in a Senate election as voters in California do (especially since the probability of a single vote mattering in such an election is nil).

Obviously, the word "over-represented" is vague, until one specifies the metric one is using. If one means, a la Ben, "above and beyond that which the rules specify," then no such claim can be made, no matter what the rule is, so long as the rule is followed. If one means, a la me, "above and beyond the principle of equal per capita suffrage," then it can. And in general, I think there ought to be a principle of coherent construction, so that if a person's words can fairly be construed in two ways, one false and one true, we pick the true one, at least without further information. [Of course, as Amanda tirelessly reminds us, Sullivan wrote that states, not people, were over-represented in the Senate, which is a slightly stickier claim.]


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Fishing

I've always been a little afraid of cooking seafood; I don't know why, but raw fish gives me more trouble than raw chicken, despite the fact that I happily eat sushi on a regular basis. Maybe it's just that I'm more sure of how to acquire quality warm-blooded meat in this meat-packing town.

In any case, my two favorite food writers have pieces today that may just shock me out of my fish-phobia.

The first is The New York Times' Minimalist, Mark Bittman, who has a recipe for what I can only characterize as Italian cassoulet, with broken bits of pasta. The second is Harvard's Waddling Thunder, who has a recipe forn ode to bouillabaise.

Waddling Thunder also distracts himself in class similarly to the way I do:

Some people doodle in class. Others play snood, or surf the web, or chat on instant messenger. A small group might even drift away in the lewd embrace of the more salacious range of mental speculations. But me? Well, I dream about food. I dream about what to cook; and how I’m going to cook it; and where I’m getting the ingredients to cook whatever I’m going to cook; and how I’m going to eat it. I might dream about a specific food, or about all foods – in the morning about what I’m going to eat for lunch, after lunch what I’ll eat as a snack, and later what I should make for dinner. The only constant is that the moment the class demands less than all my attention, food is extremely likely to be the topic of my distracted meditations.


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